Iranian President Rouhani's Pakistan visit comes at a delicate time for
both Tehran and Islamabad. The neighboring countries want to improve
economic ties, but the Saudi-Iranian rivalry continues to be a big
impediment.
Iranian President Hassan Rouhani is set to tour Pakistan on Friday,
March 25, but there is hardly any fanfare in the Pakistani media. Visits
by Iranian authorities are relatively less important in Pakistan than
the ones made by Saudi monarchs. It is no secret that Islamabad has
always had closer ties with Riyadh than Tehran.
That does not mean that President Rouhani's Friday visit carries no
significance. There has been a lot at stake for both Tehran and
Islamabad since the lifting of some international sanctions on Iran and
the growing Saudi-Iranian hostility in the Middle East.
On the one hand, Pakistan considers Iran a potential partner which can
help overcome its dire energy needs, and on the other, it does not want
to offend Saudi Arabia by getting too close to Tehran. Islamabad,
therefore, is trying to balance things out by claiming it wants to bring
the Sunni-majority Saudi Arabia and the Shiite Iran closer, but experts
say it is a tightrope walk, which could also prove to be dangerous.
Rouhani is aware of the concerns and limitations of his country's ties
with Pakistan. But analysts say he still wants to maintain "normal"
relations with the neighboring country.
"I think the main objective of President Rouhani's visit is to
reinforce the strong commercial and economic relations between the two
countries. Though Pakistan has long been allied with Tehran's Saudi
rival, Pakistan and Iran have quite a history of trade relations,"
Michael Kugelman, a South Asia expert at the Washington-based Woodrow
Wilson Center for Scholars, told DW.
"With many sanctions on Iran now removed, there are even bigger and
better opportunities for these two countries to take their economic
relationship even further," said the analyst, adding that he expected
Rouhani to discuss these matters with Pakistani authorities on Friday.
The expert also said the trip carried more symbolic significance than
anything else. "One of the goals is to highlight the shared cultural
links between the two countries, and another is to underscore a sense of
Muslim unity," Kugelman underlined.
Does trade supersede security issues?
Iran's nuclear deal with the West has allowed South Asian nations to
reset their trade ties with Tehran. But the situation is also
intensifying the fight for resources in the region.
Pakistan's Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources, Shahid Khaqan
Abbasi, said in July last year that work on the pending
Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline project would resume in the wake
of Iran's nuclear deal with the world powers. Pakistan, which has been
facing an acute energy crisis for many years, plans to use funds
provided by China to complete its part of the project which had been
interrupted due to the international sanctions on Tehran.
The removal of economic sanctions on Iran has cleared the way for
Islamabad to pursue the gas pipeline for eventually importing up to $2.5
billion (2.3 billion euros) worth of Iranian gas annually, according to
Abbasi.
"Pakistan has been trying to overcome its energy crisis by importing gas
from Iran but sanctions on Iran had hampered the work on the project,"
Abbasi was quoted as saying by Radio Pakistan following the landmark
Iranian deal in Vienna on July 14.
Kugelman believes the gas pipeline – albeit completed – would not be a
cornerstone for deeper Pakistani-Iranian ties. "The US and India
described a civil nuclear energy deal they signed some years ago as such
a cornerstone for a deeper relationship, but that was quite different
in that the deal was seen more as a strategic tool, and less as an
energy deal," said the Washington-based analyst.
"By contrast, with the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, Islamabad and Tehran
both see it as purely an energy deal, invested with relatively little
strategic value. Part of the reason for this is that Pakistan still
invests so much more strategic importance in its relationship with the
Saudis," Kugelman added.
It also remains unclear whether India would continue to be part of the
project. The Iranian deal has presented new opportunities for New Delhi,
which can now bypass Pakistan in dealing with Iran and Afghanistan and
expand its economic influence to Central Asia.
Strategic bumps
Saudi Arabia is keeping a close eye on Pakistan's dealings with Iran.
The ties between Riyadh and Islamabad deteriorated last year after Saudi
authorities asked Islamabad to officially join an alliance of the Arab
states against Iran-backed Shiite Houthi rebels in Yemen. Pakistan
categorically said it did not want to get involved in the Saudi-Iranian
regional rivalry.
Despite Pakistan's refusal to join the coalition, it has kept its relation with Tehran to a minimum.
"Pakistan remains solidly allied with Saudi Arabia, regardless of how
intense the outreach may be from Tehran. There are decades of close
military cooperation that are not about to undone," Kugelman told DW.
"However, there is an opening for Pakistan and Iran to deepen their
relationship beyond the purely cultural and economic. This is because
Pakistan has grown increasingly uncomfortable with Saudi pressure to
join its anti-ISIS coalition. I would not say the Pakistan-Saudi Arabia
relationship is in crisis, though it is certainly under some strain," he
added.
Pakistan's sectarian strife
The South Asian country's intelligentsia and civil society have voiced
their displeasure and concern over Pakistan's potential involvement in
the Saudi-Iranian conflict.
"Pakistan should not get involved in the Saudi Arabia-Iran regional
rivalry," Mosharraf Zaidi, a former USAID consultant and Islamabad-based
foreign policy expert, told DW. "We must not forget that Riyadh and
Tehran have their own interests, therefore the Pakistani government,
too, should do what is best for the country. It must keep good relations
with both Saudi Arabia and Iran," he added.
The sectarian Shiite-Sunni strife in Pakistan has been ongoing for some
time now, with militant Islamist groups unleashing terror on the
minority Shiite groups in many parts of the country. Most of these
outfits, including the Taliban, take inspiration from the hardline
Saudi-Wahabi Islamic ideology.
"For Pakistan's Islamic fundamentalists, the country is already a 'Sunni
Wall' against Shiite Iran," Siegfried O. Wolf, an expert at the
University of Heidelberg's South Asia Institute, told DW.
"The policy of containing the Shiite influence in the region was
seriously affected after the collapse of the Sunni Taliban regime in
Afghanistan in 2001 and the subsequent overthrow of Saddam Hussein's
government in Iraq. These events created a power vacuum which is now
being increasingly filled by Tehran. Saudi Arabia does not want to see
the rise of Iran and will continue to do anything to ensure Sunni
dominance," he added.
But Kugelman believes that Iranian President Rouhani is unlikely to
touch upon the issue of Sunni militancy. "My sense is that this trip is
meant to be a feel-good summit. I doubt that either side will broach the
tension points, whether we are talking about the activities of the
Sunni extremist Jindullah group along the Iranian border, or Pakistani
concerns about Iranian meddling with its minority Shiite community."
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