Tuesday, 15 March 2016

Italy's Berlusconi says a woman cannot be a mother and a mayor








A woman could not handle being a mother and mayor of Rome, former Italian premier Silvio Berlusconi said on Tuesday, drawing sharp criticism from across the political spectrum in a country where many complain of rampant sexism.
The 79-year-old leader of the right-wing Forza Italia party also defended his choice of Rome mayoral candidate, Guido Bertolaso, who was quoted this week as saying that a pregnant potential rival, Giorgia Meloni, should focus on being a mother.
"It is clear to everyone that a mother cannot devote herself to a job and this would be a terrible job, because Rome is in such a terrible state," the billionaire said on state radio RAI.
Parties of all stripes are tearing themselves apart over municipal elections slated for June, and the new mayor will have a particularly tough job in Rome, where years of alleged corruption have been laid bare in a Mafia trial.
Meloni, who leads the right-wing Brothers of Italy party, has not yet decided whether to run but, if she does, that would split the center-right vote in the capital.
On Sunday, the anti-establishment 5-Star Movement's (M5S) candidate for mayor of Milan dropped out of the race, saying she had been shaken by criticism of her looks and weight.
"When will they ask a male candidate to withdraw because he is not telegenic, or because he needs to be a father?" Reforms Minister Maria Elena Boschi said on Twitter.
Democratic Party deputy Titti Di Salvo said: "This is pure patriarchal machismo, deciding what place a woman should occupy. Harping on this matter shows we are still in the Middle Ages culturally."
Gender inequality is writ large in Italy's employment data, which shows less than half of working-age women has a job, 18 percentage points below their male counterparts. The female employment rate was the second lowest in the European Union in 2014 after that of Greece, according to Eurostat.
Prime Minister Matteo Renzi has trumpeted gender equality within his government, but political watchdog Openpolis says only 14 percent of Italy's mayors are women, and no city with more than 300,000 inhabitants has a female mayor.
"This is not a country for women. What is going on at the moment is incredible, it reveals a fundamental misogyny," Health Minister and mother of twins Beatrice Lorenzin said on Monday.
However, an opinion poll, published on Tuesday, suggested that M5S's female candidate to take charge of corruption-riddled Rome, Virginia Raggi, was leading the field of contenders.
(Reporting by Isla Binnie; Editing by Louise Ireland)
Forza Italia party (PDL) leader Silvio Berlusconi gestures during a Northern League rally in Bologna, central Italy, November 8, 2015.  REUTERS/Stefano Rellandini

Poll: Voters back Sanders as the next commander in chief

Who do Americans think would be the most trustworthy person to lead the nation’s military? The answer may surprise you. According to a new Reuters/Ipsos poll, the highest-scoring candidate for the post is Democrat Bernie Sanders, who wins a total of 38 percent of those surveyed among Democrats, Republicans and independents. Hillary Clinton also beats out her Republican rivals, placing second with 31 percent overall.
Among Democrats, Sanders and Clinton won roughly similar support within the poll’s margin of error (61 percent and 57 percent respectively.)
Republicans, meanwhile, don’t seem to be fazed by the latest scuffles at Donald Trump’s rallies. with a majority of polled party members still thinking front-runner Trump would make the best head of the armed forces–and, by implication, the next president.
When Democrats and independents were added to the mix, a smaller total of 26 percent overall supported Trump leading the armed forces.
Reuters asked the commander-in-chief question a second time in this election cycle to see if there was a change as Trump continued to express his admiration for Russian leader Vladimir Putin, Trump’s embrace of water boarding as an interrogation technique and his threats to “take out” the families of suspected militants.
The answer: Republicans are even more trusting of Trump as commander in chief than they were in December. According to the Reuters/Ipsos poll from March 10-13, 51 percent of Republicans say they’d trust him in the position, compared with 41 percent for Ted Cruz, 30 percent for Marco Rubio and 29 percent for John Kasich.
When we asked the question in December, 42 percent of Republicans said they’d trust Trump, compared with 35 percent for Cruz, 32 percent for Rubio and 12 percent for Kasich. Both polls included more than 600 Republicans and have a credibility interval, a measure of accuracy, of about 4.5 percentage points.

Trump eyes Republican breakthrough via wins in Florida, Ohio

Russia drops the mic: Syria pullout comes at perfect moment

Russian Su-34 bombers, Su-27 fighters and MiG-29 fighters fly in formation above Red Square during the Victory Day parade in Moscow, Russia, May 9, 2015. Russia marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War Two in Europe on Saturday with a military parade, showcasing new military hardware at a time when relations with the West have hit lows not seen since the Cold War. REUTERS/Host Photo Agency/RIA Novosti ATTENTION EDITORS - THIS IMAGE HAS BEEN SUPPLIED BY A THIRD PARTY. IT IS DISTRIBUTED, EXACTLY AS RECEIVED BY REUTERS, AS A SERVICE TO CLIENTS - RTX1C7WP 
After five years of brutal fighting and two weeks of a scrappy ceasefire, President Vladimir Putin has suddenly announced that “the main part” of Russia’s forces currently in Syria will begin to be withdrawn. Assuming this is not some public relations stunt (and if it is, it will very quickly become clear, seriously damaging Moscow’s credibility), then it represents a shrewd and pragmatic move.
They will not go quickly, and it is still unclear quite who will be leaving and who will stay. The Tartus naval resupply station will remain in Moscow’s hands — presumably with some security forces — and so will the Hmeymime (Latakia) air base, implying that there will still be some Russian bombers along with their flight and technical crews, guards and commanders.
However, the creeping expansion of the ground forces contingent within the expeditionary force — first some Spetsnaz special forces for spotting, next some extra tanks, then heavy artillery — is presumably going to be reversed. This way, not only does Russia make itself less vulnerable to attacks from insurgents, it also sets aside the temptation to get more deeply involved in the fighting.
Speaking to officers in Moscow in an off-the-record session, one of their greatest concerns was of being swept up in a cycle of escalation if a serious attack was carried out against Russian forces by any of the many rebel groups. As one put it, “if the president sees this as a challenge, he’ll be tempted to send a brigade of paratroopers, and before you know it, we’re there for 10 years.”
This was not a casually chosen timeframe: 10 years is how long Soviet troops were mired in Afghanistan, another intervention that was expected to be short-lived and uncomplicated and turned out to be anything but.
Politicians tend to find it easier to start wars than to end them, to escalate rather than to withdraw. For a leader who clearly relishes his macho image and who has been articulating a very aggressive foreign policy in recent years to opt for such a stand-down is a striking act of statesmanship.
That said, Putin’s announcement that “the objectives given to the Defense Ministry and the Armed Forces as a whole have largely been accomplished” is probably accurate.
This intervention was, after all, never about “winning” the war in Syria: even the most starry-eyed optimist would not expect a relative handful of aircraft and ground forces to end this bloody and complex conflict. Nor was it primarily to save Bashar al-Assad’s skin and position.
Rather, it had three main objectives. Firstly, to assert Russia’s role in the region and its claim to a say in the future of Syria. Secondly, to protect Moscow’s last client in the Middle East, ideally by preserving Assad, but if need be by replacing him with some other suitable client. Thirdly, to force the West, and primarily Washington, to stop efforts diplomatically to isolate Moscow. For the moment, at least, all three have indeed been accomplished.
Now, Russia is a more significant player in Syria’s future than the United States. Influence is bought by blood and treasure; by being willing to put its bombers, guns and men into play, Moscow not only helped Assad but reshaped the narrative of the war. The Kurds and even some of the so-called “moderate rebels” are beginning to show willing to talk to the Russians.
At the time of the intervention, Assad’s forces were in retreat, momentum was favoring the rebels, and Moscow was terrified that the regime’s elite might begin to fragment. The client state the Soviets left behind when they withdrew from Afghanistan was actually surprisingly stable and effective. But when Defense Minister Shahnawaz Tani broke with President Najibullah, it began to break apart and was doomed; this was something Moscow feared could happen in Damascus.
However, the unexpected injection of Russian airpower on Sept. 30 not only changed the arithmetic on the battlefield, it also re-energized the regime. The scale of the bombing assault, with more than 9,000 sorties flown according Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, allowed government forces to turn back the tide. Not only were they able to retake Aleppo and some 400 other settlements by Shoigu’s count, but the Syrian Arab Army’s morale recovered considerably too, and with it Assad’s personal authority.
Finally, on the diplomatic front there is no question that Putin’s intervention did indeed end any hope of ignoring and isolating him. Russia and the United States are joint guarantors of the ceasefire in Syria now, and even in Ukraine the two countries have renewed conversations about a settlement in the Donbas, though it was Moscow that began the conflict.
In short, for once there is more truth than rhetoric in claims of a “mission accomplished.” By beginning to withdraw his forces, Putin also addresses three important concerns.
He will reassure a domestic audience that enjoyed the daily doses of gun-camera footage and upbeat military assessments, but remained worried that what started as a relatively bloodless — for the Russians — campaign could become something much more serious. Indeed, the military will also be happy, conscious as they are that the longer forces are in-country, the greater the risk of something going badly wrong. That’s not least because many of Russia’s senior officers served in Afghanistan.
He can present himself as a peacemaker; it is hardly a coincidence that this announcement was made on the first day of real negotiations in peace talks being held in Geneva. This will strengthen Russia’s claim to a role in those negotiations and the shaping of Syria’s future: a spokesman for the rebel High Negotiations Committee said that “if there is seriousness in implementing the withdrawal, it will give the talks a positive push.” It may also offset some of the ground lost internationally after a recent escalation of fighting in the Donbas and the show trial of kidnapped Ukrainian pilot Nadiya Savchenko.
Finally, Putin can retain the initiative, something he clearly savors. He has once again caught the West off guard (and probably also Assad for that matter: he seems to have been informed by Putin only earlier in the day).
He has reduced his exposure to reverses on the ground, but not abandoned Syria. Rather, he has the best of both worlds. He will retain not just some troops there but the ports and airfields which will allow him to surge forces back into Syria if need be — or simply just threaten to do so. He can also, as he has in the past, use long-range bomber strikes or cruise missiles fired from naval units to deliver devastating reminders of Russia’s military capabilities.
In short, this is at once classic, and yet also unusual Putin. It is a characteristic move in its decisiveness and its unexpectedness (even Russians within the defense and foreign affairs apparatuses appear to have been taken by surprise).
But Putin, especially in this presidential term, has up until now tended to default to escalation, confrontation and defiance. Even though it is for entirely pragmatic reasons, this is the first time he has stepped back from an adventure. It may prove to be a propaganda move, or short-lived. It may be precisely that he wants to concentrate on his vicious war in the Donbas. Or it may be that, his economy suffering, his elite worried and his people increasingly discontent, that this is the first sign of the emergence of a more pragmatic Putin, who has come to realize that his grand vision for a re-empowered Russia is actually driving it towards penury and chaos. Time will tell.
 

Seat at geopolitical top table allowed Putin to scale back in Syria

Police kill gunman in Brussels siege linked to Paris attacks

UN’s Ban furious with Morocco over Western Sahara protests

© Fadel Sena, AFP | Moroccan protesters hold placards and shout slogans in the capital Rabat, on March 13, 2016.
Text by NEWS WIRES
Latest update : 2016-03-15

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon told Morocco’s foreign minister on Monday he was angered and disappointed by a demonstration in Rabat he said was a personal attack on him over remarks he made about the disputed territory of Western Sahara.

Tens of thousands of Moroccans marched though the capital on Sunday to protest Ban’s position on Western Sahara and rally support for the king.
Ban “conveyed his astonishment at the recent statement of the government of Morocco and expressed his deep disappointment and anger regarding the demonstration that was mobilized on Sunday, which targeted him in person,” Ban’s press office said in an unusually tough statement.
“He stressed that such attacks are disrespectful to him and to the United Nations,” said the statement, which was issued after he met with Moroccan Foreign Minister Salaheddine Mezouar.
Rabat accused Ban last week of no longer being neutral in the Western Sahara conflict, saying he used the word “occupation” to describe Morocco’s presence in the region that has been at the center of a dispute since 1975.
The United Nations acknowledges he used the term. Monday’s statement said there was a misunderstanding over his use of the word “occupation,” noting it was Ban’s “personal reaction to the deplorable humanitarian conditions in which the Sahrawi refugees have lived in for far too long.”
The U.N. statement issued on Monday evening said Ban asked Mezouar for “clarification regarding the reported presence of several members of the Moroccan government among the demonstrators.”
State news agency MAP said 3 million people attended Sunday’s march, although those figures could not be confirmed. Some protesters said they were bused for free to the march and that trains had also been free for the day of the rally.
The dispute over the region in the northwest edge of Africa has dragged on since Morocco took control over most of it in 1975 after the withdrawal of former colonial power Spain.
The Polisario Front, which says the territory belongs to ethnic Sahrawis, fought a war against Morocco until a U.N.-brokered ceasefire in 1991, but the two sides have since been deadlocked.
Polisario, backed by Morocco’s regional rival and neighbor Algeria and a number of other African states, wants a referendum promised in the ceasefire agreement on the region’s fate.
Morocco says it will not offer more than autonomy for the region, rich in phosphates and possibly offshore oil and gas.
(REUTERS