Iranian President Rouhani's Pakistan visit comes at a delicate time for 
both Tehran and Islamabad. The neighboring countries want to improve 
economic ties, but the Saudi-Iranian rivalry continues to be a big 
impediment.
Iranian President Hassan Rouhani is set to tour Pakistan on Friday, 
March 25, but there is hardly any fanfare in the Pakistani media. Visits
 by Iranian authorities are relatively less important in Pakistan than 
the ones made by Saudi monarchs. It is no secret that Islamabad has 
always had closer ties with Riyadh than Tehran.
That does not mean that President Rouhani's Friday visit carries no 
significance. There has been a lot at stake for both Tehran and 
Islamabad since the lifting of some international sanctions on Iran and 
the growing Saudi-Iranian hostility in the Middle East.
On the one hand, Pakistan considers Iran a potential partner which can 
help overcome its dire energy needs, and on the other, it does not want 
to offend Saudi Arabia by getting too close to Tehran. Islamabad, 
therefore, is trying to balance things out by claiming it wants to bring
 the Sunni-majority Saudi Arabia and the Shiite Iran closer, but experts
 say it is a tightrope walk, which could also prove to be dangerous.
Rouhani is aware of the concerns and limitations of his country's ties 
with Pakistan. But analysts say he still wants to maintain "normal" 
relations with the neighboring country.
"I think the main objective of President Rouhani's visit is to 
reinforce the strong commercial and economic relations between the two 
countries. Though Pakistan has long been allied with Tehran's Saudi 
rival, Pakistan and Iran have quite a history of trade relations," 
Michael Kugelman, a South Asia expert at the Washington-based Woodrow 
Wilson Center for Scholars, told DW.
"With many sanctions on Iran now removed, there are even bigger and 
better opportunities for these two countries to take their economic 
relationship even further," said the analyst, adding that he expected 
Rouhani to discuss these matters with Pakistani authorities on Friday.
The expert also said the trip carried more symbolic significance than 
anything else. "One of the goals is to highlight the shared cultural 
links between the two countries, and another is to underscore a sense of
 Muslim unity," Kugelman underlined.
Does trade supersede security issues?
Iran's nuclear deal with the West has allowed South Asian nations to 
reset their trade ties with Tehran. But the situation is also 
intensifying the fight for resources in the region.
Pakistan's Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources, Shahid Khaqan 
Abbasi, said in July last year that work on the pending 
Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline project would resume in the wake 
of Iran's nuclear deal with the world powers. Pakistan, which has been 
facing an acute energy crisis for many years, plans to use funds 
provided by China to complete its part of the project which had been 
interrupted due to the international sanctions on Tehran.
The removal of economic sanctions on Iran has cleared the way for 
Islamabad to pursue the gas pipeline for eventually importing up to $2.5
 billion (2.3 billion euros) worth of Iranian gas annually, according to
 Abbasi.
"Pakistan has been trying to overcome its energy crisis by importing gas
 from Iran but sanctions on Iran had hampered the work on the project," 
Abbasi was quoted as saying by Radio Pakistan following the landmark 
Iranian deal in Vienna on July 14.
Kugelman believes the gas pipeline – albeit completed – would not be a 
cornerstone for deeper Pakistani-Iranian ties. "The US and India 
described a civil nuclear energy deal they signed some years ago as such
 a cornerstone for a deeper relationship, but that was quite different 
in that the deal was seen more as a strategic tool, and less as an 
energy deal," said the Washington-based analyst.
"By contrast, with the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, Islamabad and Tehran 
both see it as purely an energy deal, invested with relatively little 
strategic value. Part of the reason for this is that Pakistan still 
invests so much more strategic importance in its relationship with the 
Saudis," Kugelman added.
It also remains unclear whether India would continue to be part of the 
project. The Iranian deal has presented new opportunities for New Delhi,
 which can now bypass Pakistan in dealing with Iran and Afghanistan and 
expand its economic influence to Central Asia.
Strategic bumps 
Saudi Arabia is keeping a close eye on Pakistan's dealings with Iran. 
The ties between Riyadh and Islamabad deteriorated last year after Saudi
 authorities asked Islamabad to officially join an alliance of the Arab 
states against Iran-backed Shiite Houthi rebels in Yemen. Pakistan 
categorically said it did not want to get involved in the Saudi-Iranian 
regional rivalry.
Despite Pakistan's refusal to join the coalition, it has kept its relation with Tehran to a minimum.
"Pakistan remains solidly allied with Saudi Arabia, regardless of how 
intense the outreach may be from Tehran. There are decades of close 
military cooperation that are not about to undone," Kugelman told DW.
"However, there is an opening for Pakistan and Iran to deepen their 
relationship beyond the purely cultural and economic. This is because 
Pakistan has grown increasingly uncomfortable with Saudi pressure to 
join its anti-ISIS coalition. I would not say the Pakistan-Saudi Arabia 
relationship is in crisis, though it is certainly under some strain," he
 added.
Pakistan's sectarian strife
The South Asian country's intelligentsia and civil society have voiced 
their displeasure and concern over Pakistan's potential involvement in 
the Saudi-Iranian conflict.
"Pakistan should not get involved in the Saudi Arabia-Iran regional 
rivalry," Mosharraf Zaidi, a former USAID consultant and Islamabad-based
 foreign policy expert, told DW. "We must not forget that Riyadh and 
Tehran have their own interests, therefore the Pakistani government, 
too, should do what is best for the country. It must keep good relations
 with both Saudi Arabia and Iran," he added.
The sectarian Shiite-Sunni strife in Pakistan has been ongoing for some 
time now, with militant Islamist groups unleashing terror on the 
minority Shiite groups in many parts of the country. Most of these 
outfits, including the Taliban, take inspiration from the hardline 
Saudi-Wahabi Islamic ideology.
"For Pakistan's Islamic fundamentalists, the country is already a 'Sunni
 Wall' against Shiite Iran," Siegfried O. Wolf, an expert at the 
University of Heidelberg's South Asia Institute, told DW.
"The policy of containing the Shiite influence in the region was 
seriously affected after the collapse of the Sunni Taliban regime in 
Afghanistan in 2001 and the subsequent overthrow of Saddam Hussein's 
government in Iraq. These events created a power vacuum which is now 
being increasingly filled by Tehran. Saudi Arabia does not want to see 
the rise of Iran and will continue to do anything to ensure Sunni 
dominance," he added.
But Kugelman believes that Iranian President Rouhani is unlikely to 
touch upon the issue of Sunni militancy. "My sense is that this trip is 
meant to be a feel-good summit. I doubt that either side will broach the
 tension points, whether we are talking about the activities of the 
Sunni extremist Jindullah group along the Iranian border, or Pakistani 
concerns about Iranian meddling with its minority Shiite community."
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